"I'M VERY SENSITIVE ABOUT MAKING STATEMENTS ABOUT SANITATION WORKERS THAT SEEM TO PUT THEM ALL INTO A BOX WHERE ONE MAKES ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT WHAT KINDS OF PEOPLE THEY ARE WITHOUT EVEN KNOWING THEM AS INDIVIDUALS. ONE THING I KNOW FOR SURE ABOUT SANITATION WORKERS: THEY KNOW THE CITY:    FOOT BY FOOT! INSIDE OUT!"

 

Mierle Laderman Ukeles

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WHEN I THINK ABOUT THE WORKING CLASS, I THINK ABOUT PEOPLE WHO ARE PAID BY THE HOUR TO DO THE WORK THAT NO ONE ELSE WANTS

TO DO...

(0:44 min)

I ALWAYS HAD THE FEELING THAT I DIDN'T KNOW HOW TO BEHAVE IN FRONT OF PEOPLE WHO WERE TOO UPPER CLASS.

AS A YOUNG CHILD I SPENT MUCH TIME AT MY GRANDMOTHER'S HOUSE WHERE SHE TOOK IN PIECE

WORK...

(1:52 min)

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SUPPORT STAFF ARE ADMINISTRATIVE ASSISTANTS, WHICH IS THE FANCY WORD FOR SECRETARY...

(0:49 min)

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  • COMPLEX IDENTITIES

    In theory it should be a simple matter to determine someone's class by looking at what he/she does to earn a living. Those who work primarily with their hands - making cars, assembling smart phones, constructing buildings, or working in agriculture - would be considered "working class," together with "pink collar workers" -for example, receptionists and secretaries -and those in service industries. Those who own or direct large factories, banks, and businesses would be considered "upper class" or "capitalist class." People working in "white collar" professions such as education, law, medicine, accounting, and management would count as "middle class" (or "upper middle class" if their incomes are particularly high).

     Yet the relationship between professional identity and perceived class status frequently contradicts such neat analyses. Americans often understand class not as a function of the kind of work one does, but as measured by income, particularly in the case of middle-class status. Hence one might have a working-class job-say, in auto manufacturing-but enjoy a middle-class lifestyle, including owning a house and sending one's children to college. In the postwar period, for example, the rise of well-paid union labor created a large working class that enjoyed economic benefits that had previously accrued only to the middle class and above.

     Social and economic shifts in American society continue to complicate the dynamics among income level, consumption, and class status. For example, an independent, experienced journeyman plumber - seemingly a working class occupation - can earn twice as much as a second grade teacher with a master's degree. Who is "more" middle class, the plumber or the teacher? The answer is complex.

  • POWER AND PROFESSION

    Looking beyond mere income, class structure may also be analyzed in terms of power in the workplace; in this form of analysis, what matters is the degree of independence and authority that comes with a given job. Many lower-level positions in management, business, sales, and health support - all nominally "middle class" - resemble working-class labor that is highly directed, rationalized, and closely supervised.  Alternately, some theoretically working class positions in service industries, construction, and other occupations come with open-ended responsibilities and authority levels that qualify them as middle class. In both cases, pay rates reflect this reality.

     The blurring of boundaries between the working class and the middle class confuses class identity, erodes class consciousness, and, arguably, dilutes the political power of both the working and middle class in the United States today. Yet the drive to identify with the middle class, regardless of profession or income, remains strong. For the lower and working classes, it is a way to demand respect. For the affluent, the insistence that "we're really just middle class" asserts participation in a mainstream, egalitarian American identity that remains remarkably durable and powerful, even as it slips beyond the grasp of more and more citizens.